Beschreibung:
<jats:p>Under a formal and functional reconstruction, the form and semantics of Old High German <jats:italic>huuanta</jats:italic> and Dutch <jats:italic>want</jats:italic> receive an explanation for the first time. Both conjunctions, together with Latin <jats:italic>unde</jats:italic> and Tocharian <jats:sc>B</jats:sc> <jats:italic>ente</jats:italic>, <jats:sc>A</jats:sc> <jats:italic>äntā(ne)</jats:italic>, descend from <jats:sc>PIE</jats:sc> interrogative-relative *<jats:italic>k</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>w</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>o-m-d</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>eh</jats:italic><jats:sub><jats:italic>1</jats:italic></jats:sub>, *<jats:italic>k</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>w</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>o-m-d</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>oh</jats:italic><jats:sub><jats:italic>1</jats:italic></jats:sub>, *<jats:italic>k</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>w</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>o-m-d</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>ah</jats:italic><jats:sub><jats:italic>2</jats:italic></jats:sub> ‘whence, where’, whose semantics may be compositionally analyzed as ablatival-instrumental *<jats:italic>k</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>w</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>o-m</jats:italic> plus locatival-directional *-<jats:italic>d</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>o(h</jats:italic><jats:sub><jats:italic>1</jats:italic></jats:sub><jats:italic>)</jats:italic>, *-<jats:italic>d</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup><jats:italic>a(h</jats:italic><jats:sub><jats:italic>2</jats:italic></jats:sub><jats:italic>)</jats:italic>. The novel equation of Old High German <jats:italic>huuanta</jats:italic>, Dutch <jats:italic>want</jats:italic> with Latin <jats:italic>unde</jats:italic> and Tocharian <jats:sc>B</jats:sc> <jats:italic>ente</jats:italic>, <jats:sc>A</jats:sc> <jats:italic>äntā(ne)</jats:italic> sheds light on a number of phonological and syntactic questions, including the merger of <jats:sc>PIE</jats:sc> *-<jats:italic>nd</jats:italic>- and *-<jats:italic>nd</jats:italic><jats:sup><jats:italic>h</jats:italic></jats:sup>- in Latin and Tocharian (§ 2.1) and the non-affrication of *-<jats:italic>nd</jats:italic>- in Tocharian (§ 3.1.2). Another consequence is that a case can be made for clause-initial aphaeresis which triggered the loss of the labiovelar onsets in <jats:italic>unde</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>ente/äntā(ne)</jats:italic>, thus pointing to the existence of <jats:italic>wh</jats:italic>-movement and clause-initial <jats:italic>wh</jats:italic>-words in both Latin and Tocharian (§ 3.1.1).</jats:p>